Sunday, November 17, 2013


Online Platform to Shine a Light on Scandal-Scalded Montreal Politics

BY ELISABETH FRASER | Friday, May 31 2013
 Montreal (credit: S. Lacasse/Wikimedia Commons)
As the scandal-weary residents of Quebec, Canada's Francophone province, head into a new round of municipal elections this November, one open-data group is working on a new project designed to raise awareness about transparency amongst candidates and voters.
“Really, the tool is designed to mobilize citizens to vote for politicians who are committed to transparency,” says Jonathan Brun, of the non-partisan group Montréal Ouvert (Open Montreal), the municipal chapter of larger provincial group Québec Ouvert (Open Québec).
The “tool” is set to launch June 12. Montréal Ouvert promises that it will link municipal candidates who commit to a transparent government to concerned citizens who want change.
Montréal Ouvert wants full transparency in the awarding of municipal contracts and spending of public money, and would like cities to publish a list of all the data they have on file — amongst other things. Other wish list items include the public spending records of all elected officials and listings of whom city councillors meet with.
Brun says the wish list came together based on consultation with open data groups.
“This was also inspired by other campaigns that have happened elsewhere in North America and Europe," he said, "and some questions were based on our own experiences in trying to get access to data that wasn’t available.”

A province rocked by corruption

The question of government transparency in “La belle province” is certainly a timely one. Quebec has been rocked by a series of revelations regarding long-rumoured ties between government officials, the construction industry, and organized crime, as highlighted by the ongoing Charbonneau Commission, a commission of inquiry headed by Judge France Charbonneau. The commission’s near-daily airing of dirty laundry and sordid secrets has become must-see TV for many of the province’s residents.
Amongst the seemingly endless revelations before the committee are tales of intimidation, bid-rigging, phony billing, and a widespread kickback scheme when it came to awarding city contracts. The whole messy situation has led to major shakeups at the municipal level in Montreal and surrounding municipalities. Montreal Mayor Gérald Tremblay was forced to resign after damning allegations suggested he willfully turned a blind eye to corruption at City Hall. And Mayor Gilles Vaillancourt of nearby Laval, to the north of Montreal, has been arrested and charged withgangsterism, amongst other things.
The stench has spread from the municipal level to the provincial level, with allegations the Liberal government of former premier Jean Charest, who ordered the Charbonneau inquiry, was part of the dirty dealings with the province’s construction industry. And most recently, the current governing Parti Québécois was also dragged into the mud, leading Québec Première Pauline Marois to not-so-subtly lean on the Commission.
Recently, the Charbonneau allegations have even reached the federal government, with the former vice-president of engineering firm Dessau Inc. saying his company routinely paid off parties at the municipal, provincial, and federal levels. And Thomas Mulcair, leader of Canada’s New Democrats, who form the Official Opposition at the federal level, was left with some explaining to do after saying he was once offered an envelope he suspected to be stuffed with cash by disgraced Mayor Vaillancourt. Mulcair says he refused the envelope and ended the meeting. He subsequently reported the incident to the police … 17 years later.

Raising awareness, encouraging voter turnout

So how can a transparency test help matters? “We have several goals,” says Brun, “and one of them is to increase voter turnout. The voter turnout in municipal elections (in Québec) is quite low, as it is in many places.” Brun also says he hopes the test will make politicians and voters consider transparency in more detail, and help make it an election issue.
Guy Lachapelle is a Professor of Political Science at Montreal’s Concordia University, and is the longstanding Secretary General of the International Political Science Association, which is based at Concordia. He looked at a draft version of the project two weeks prior to its launch. Lachapelle agrees that Montréal Ouvert's project is an effective tool in increasing awareness about government transparency. “I think candidates should be able to understand that integrity is a key element of their success,” adding, “hopefully, it will also work for civil servants in public administrations.”
However, Lachapelle remains skeptical about the authenticity of the results it will produce. “This type of test is more on the side of wishful behavior that we hope candidates will follow after being elected. Before an election, they will be all for virtue!”
And Lachapelle is unsure results will do much to increase voter confidence in the current political climate. “We hope that cynicism will fade away, but I don't think these types of questions will increase the public’s scrutiny over their administrations.”
The evaluation of candidates will be based on two kinds of questions: multiple choice — i.e., “Are you in favour X?” with answers like "Yes," "No," "Unsure," I need to research it further, and “free form” questions, which ask things such as, “What actions have you taken in your previous administrations, companies or organizations to improve transparency and accountability?” While the former questions will be answered by computer program according to a pre-set formula, the latter will be graded by the project team according to human discretion. “We are still working that part out,” says Brun. The team says they have not yet finalized their methodology and are still working with survey experts to try and address some of the challenges in conducting this exercise.
“I don't think that (the mixed grading system) will compromise the integrity of the test,” says Lachapelle. “Again, it will work more as a platform for candidates to say loudly that they will be better than their opponents.” Lachapelle nevertheless sees value in the project, for candidates who chose to participate. “It is beneficial for candidates (and not their press attachés!) to respond to these questions,” he says, predicting, “most candidates will certainly do it.”

A bloated municipal structure

Montreal’s current municipal scene is a bit of a dog’s breakfast. To begin with, the city’s municipal structure is incredibly bloated, following a failed “mega-merger” in 2002, followed by a partial de-merger in 2006, the result of which has been the city has over 100 elected municipal representatives — more than any other city in North America.
Montreal also has parties at the municipal level, making Quebec one of only two Canadian provinces to indulge in this proliferation of political options (the other is British Columbia).
Prior to the Charbonneau Commission, things were relatively stable at Montreal City Hall: Mayor Gérald Termblay’s Union Montréal party held the balance of power, while Vision Montréal, headed by Louise Harel (the architect of the city’s mergers in her previous life as a provincial cabinet minister) formed the Official Opposition. Upstart Projet Montréal, headed by colourful urban planner Richard Bergeron (who has mused about 9/11 conspiracy theories in his writings), was the last-ranked party.
But, post-Charbonneau, the once stable scene at City Hall is in chaos. Following Mayor Tremblay’s resignation, many Union councillors jumped ship to sit as independents, resulting in Montreal having its first Anglophone mayor in over 100 years — and its first-ever Jewish mayor. Remaining Union Montréal councillors quietly put the party out of its misery earlier this month to sit as independents.
Projet Montreal continues to struggle with image problems surrounding its leader’s credibility. The only borough that voted in Projet Montreal is the Plateau Mount-Royal, a trendy area similar to Brooklyn's Williamsburg neighborhood, but the party's administration has been controversial. Theirtraffic calming measures have upset some residents, and many of the artists and merchants who live in the Plateau have expressed their discontent. At one point, Plateau Mayor Luc Ferrandez (known to be hot headed) almost came to blows with the head of a local merchant’s association in the foyer of City Hall.
Vision Montreal also appears to be struggling with significant debt,. The party is losing elected officials as they defect to a new, high-profile arrival to the mayoral race.
Which brings us to Denis Coderre, a well-known federal politician and former Liberal cabinet minister who has held office for the riding of Bourassa since 1997. Coderre is known to be a showman (he is often referred to as, “Kid Coderre,” a play on the French term “Kid Kodak”, referring to someone who loves the camera). The prolific tweeter (@DenisCoderre) and media personality revealed the worst-kept secret in Montreal when he finally announced his run for Mayor at a May 16 press conference, ending months of coyly hinting at his intentions.
Exactly how many candidates will participate in the project remains to be seen. For this article, techPresident.com sent out an email about the project to current elected Montreal city officials, using a list provided by City Hall. Only two responded directly. Loyola City Councillor Susan Clarke and Saint-Laurent borough Mayor Alan deSouza (both former Union Montreal members who now sit as independents) expressed interest in the project, but did not respond prior to this article’s deadline. A spokesperson for Anie Samson, borough Mayor for Villeray – Saint-Michel-Parc Extension (who has joined Team Coderre), also responded to techPresident’s request, but did not follow up by press time. In fairness to sitting officials who responded, techPresident’s request came during a very busy period at City Hall, and many cited time constraints.
When asked what he thought of the project, de Souza responded, “Any efforts made by citizens to ensure the proper amount of transparency in public decision making are laudable.” Saying he would like more time to look at the project, de Sousa said of its ultimate effectiveness, “the proof of the pudding will be in the eating.”
A Projet Montreal candidate initially agreed to participate in the Montreal Ouvert initiative for this article, but declined after the party’s central office intervened, saying their platform was not yet ready. Montreal Ouvert say they realize some parties may provide a list of generic responses for their candidates, but plan to factor this into a candidate's results.
Ultimately, whether this project will be enough to increase voter turnout and confidence in this fractured political landscape remains to be seen. “They [Montréal Ouvert] might achieve their objectives, but who will these voters be?” asks Lachapelle. “I am not sure they will constitute a representative sample. People will vote if they think the issues at stake are high ... and I think that the issue of corruption will probably turn people off of voting.”
Elisabeth Fraser is a freelance Canadian journalist. She lives in Montreal.
Personal Democracy Media is grateful to the Omidyar Network for its generous support of techPresident's WeGov section.

Amid Grassroots Furor, Canadian Telecom Monopolies Forced to Lower Mobile Fees

BY ELISABETH FRASER | Thursday, June 6 2013
 iPhone screenshot mentioning Canadian coffee chain Tim Horton's (flickr/Matt Hurst)
A community-driven, non-profit internet group is claiming victory regarding recently-announced changes to Canadian cellphone regulations.
OpenMedia.cacommended the decision of the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) to allow cellphone users to break their contracts without penalty after two years, and to put a cap on additional data and roaming data charges. In addition, service providers are now required to write their customer contracts in plain(er) English.
Telecom companies have until December 2 to comply for all new contracts, a deadline the Canadian Wireless Telecommunications Association complains is too short.
In addition, the following day, Industry Minister Christian Paradis announced the government had ruled to block telecom giant Telus Corp.’s application to transfer Mobilicity’s spectrum assets their way in a $380 million takeover bid. Those spectrum assets will now be set aside for new entrants into the market, a long-time OpenMedia demand.
OpenMedia was among groups lobbying the CRTC on the issue. It launched an online campaign called “Demand Choice” started an online petition which to date has garnered over 56,000 signatures.
OpenMedia also submitted a report to the CRTC after it announced it would hold public hearings into Canada’s wireless code late last year. The report, titled, “Time for an Upgrade”, followed an online appeal for cell phone horror stories from fed-up Canadians.
Despite the CRTC announcement, consumer-rights advocates say Canada still has a long way to go when it comes to cell phone service. The largely de-regulated industry is monopolized by three service providers — Bell, Rogers, and Telus — which together control a whopping 94 per cent of the market. OpenMedia mounted a campaign, “Stop the Squeeze,” in protest of this dominance.
The lack of regulation and market competition has thus far left Canadian consumers getting stuck with little choice but to accept sky-high service rates, ranked amongst the highest in the developed world, according to a 2009 study from the international Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). And, if the cell phone horror stories collected by OpenMedia are to be believed, those pricey rates don’t translate into good customer service.
OpenMedia is maintaining a cautiously optimistic attitude in the face of these new developments, and it seems the minister is listening – the same day he announced the government was blocking the Telus/Mobilicity takeover, Paradis granted a one-on-one 15-minute phone interview with OpenMedia Executive Director Steve Anderson. Prior to the phone meeting, OpenMedia solicited questions for the minister from its members via social media.
I wish Paradis had answered more questions — I certainly had lots from people on social media,” wrote Anderson on his blog, post-chat. “But I think we should be thankful that Paradis has started moving in the right direction and took the time to reach out to us for a brief chat.”
OpenMedia doesn’t plan to drop the pressure on the minister, who is scheduled to unveil his new policy on the matter in June. Anderson’s blog post end with the words, “More soon … Now it's time for some action.”
Elisabeth Fraser is a freelance Canadian journalist. She lives in Montreal
Personal Democracy Media is grateful to the Omidyar Network for its generous support of techPresident's WeGov section.

Trying to Prosecute Online Piracy in Canada? Good Luck!

BY ELISABETH FRASER | Wednesday, June 12 2013
 Google image via Allen Mendelsohn's blog.
A private firm that is monitoring Canadians who download pirated content online has found itself at the center of a legal battle.
Canipre, a firm based in Montreal, Quebec, has spent the past few months monitoring illegal downloaders. Their managing director, Barry Logan, says they now have more than a million“evidence files”. A U.S-based movie company, Voltage Pictures, is before the Ontario courts trying toget their hands on those files. Teksavvy, an Internet service provider, has intervened to stop Voltage, since — surprise, surprise — many of the IP addresses Canipre has collected belong to Teksavvy clients.
“I think that Teksavvy is right to protect their client's information. Canipre is on a fishing expedition and nothing more,” says Travis McCrea, Leader of the Pirate Party of Canada, a political party which supports things like net neutrality and online privacy rights. McCrae dismisses Canipre as “copyright trolls” and says going after individuals accused of pirating will clog up Canadian courts with frivolous cases.
Following the news of Voltage’s lawsuit, the Pirate Party conducted their own online investigation. In partnership with TorrentFreak, they decided to have a closer look at what Industry Canada (the federal government’s industry department) and the national police force, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) were up to online.
“Our investigation has revealed that quite a lot of unlicensed material has been downloaded from within both the RCMP and Industry Canada,” the Pirate Party writes on their website. Movies Canada’s leading industry workers and top cops are downloading appear to include The Fast and the Furious, The Smurfs, and Hunger Games.
“You can find 'piracy' almost anywhere, but the problem is the inability to track it down to a single person,” says McCrae. “An IP address means nothing, there are plenty of open WiFi networks, and even closed WiFi networks are not difficult to break into.”
It seems doubtful that Voltage’s case will lead to major changes in the penalties Canadians will face for online piracy. Bill C-11, passed last year, placed a cap of $5,000 (CAD) on what Canadians could be fined for downloading illegal content. That’s in sharp contrast to the United States, where citizens can face massive fines or even jail time for pirating content.
John Jordan is a Montreal-based musician who says he often downloads movies and TV shows online. He’s unconcerned about the court case. “If I realized that my ISP (address) could be next on their list, and they could come after me and get my records, I don’t know if I would change my downloading,” he says. “I might just stand my ground and fight.”
“I truly believe that the courts will rule in favour of Teksavvy, but I also am aware that courts are sometimes naive [about] how technology works,” says McCrae, who describes his attitude as, “cautiously optimistic." But he says that even if Voltage succeeds in obtaining Canipre’s data, he expects fines will be “minimal,” as Canada’s intellectual property rights laws are “pretty lax,” adding, “I don’t see how Canipre’s business model is going to work.”
For his part, Jordan remains unworried in the face of a Voltage victory, no matter how unlikely. In the event that would happen, “There would probably be someone who would rise to the occasion and would launch a class action suit against (Canipre), and I would like to think I’d be part of that.” At worst, Jordan laughs, “I’m out $5,000. And they can have fun coming after me for that.”
Elisabeth Fraser is a freelance Canadian journalist. She lives in Montreal.
Personal Democracy Media is grateful to the Omidyar Network for its generous support of techPresident's WeGov section.

Yemeni Activist Seeks Refuge in Canada After Announcing "I'm Queer" On His Blog

BY ELISABETH FRASER | Tuesday, July 9 2013
 Ala'a Jarban (screenshot from YouTube video)
A gay Yemeni blogger is seeking asylum in Canada, saying he fears for his safety if he returns home.
Ala’a Jarban is a 23-year old activist who participated in the 2011 Yemen revolution and created ablog that allowed LGBT Yemenis to post anonymously about their experiences. While in Montreal for a conference on international human-rights training run by human-rights group Equitas, Jarban came out in a post published on his blog, declaring, “I’m Queer."
Jarban is no stranger to activism and controversy. His role in the Arab Spring, both on the ground and online, was prominent, and he was an organizer in protests against then-President Ali Abdullah Selah, who was toppled during the unrest. But his newfound notoriety has caused some backlash.

Ala'a Jarban narrates a video about the political and human rights situation in Yemen
Reaction from the online community was swift - while many applauded Jarban’s decision, others (including former revolutionary allies), were quick to condemn him in the comments section of his blog. This is perhaps unsurprising, considering traditional Yemeni attitudes towards homosexuality.
Yemen’s record on LGBT rights can be charitably described as appalling. Homosexuality is illegal in the country, which still employs the death penalty. The Yemeni government’s official line is that there are no homosexuals in Yemen. While Jarban’s coming-out would seemingly blow that theory to bits, the government was quick to say that his was an isolated case.
Since coming out and seeking refugee status in Canada, Jarban has made changes to his online profile. While he still maintains an active Twitter account (@AJYemen) and curates his blog, his Facebook page has been deactivated. In an interview with CBC news, Jarban said he shut down his Facebook page because of the hateful online comments he received after coming out were, “unbearable.” Jarban did not respond to Twitter and email requests to be interviewed for this piece.
Janet Dench is the Executive Director of the Canadian Council of Refugees. She says cases like Jarban’s are increasingly common in Canada. “Canada has a strong tradition for a number of years of recognizing claims based on sexual orientation, and there have been many such claims made since it was recognized as being part of a social group since the mid-90s,” she says.
Dench says some refugee claimants face difficulties in gathering proof. “Decision-makers want to be sure that people are not pretending to be gay in order to get refugee status,” Dench says. “If you’re lived in a very homophobic society it may take time to even have the confidence to speak to your lawyer or your contacts about something you have been trying to hide your whole life.” But Dench does not predict this will be a problem in Jarban’s case.
“Sometimes evidence of persecution against gay and lesbian groups can be hard to prove in some countries — although in Yemen that is likely not the case,” says Dench. “Certainly, the Middle East is one of the regions where it’s very difficult for people to live openly as a member of a sexual minority.”
While Jarban waits to learn if his refugee application will be accepted, his supporters are offering him encouragement online. “Good stuff Alaa, best wishes,” wrote one Twitter user, adding, “Breaking the wall of silence & terror for gays in #yemen is an historical accomplishment.”
Elisabeth Fraser is a freelance Canadian journalist. She lives in Montreal.
Personal Democracy Media is grateful to the Omidyar Network and the UN Foundation for their generous support of techPresident's WeGov section.

Idle No More, a Canadian Social Justice Movement, Goes Viral On and Offline

BY ELISABETH FRASER | Friday, January 25 2013
 Idle No More demonstration in Washington, D.C. (credit: Jonathon Reed/Flickr )
Canada’s aboriginals, also known as the First Nations, are facing off against the federal government over proposed changes to environmental regulations laws, as well as a slew of other issues primarily related to social justice and aboriginal rights. Social media is driving the movement with the Twitter hashtag #IdleNoMore. It has spread throughout North America, with solidarity demonstrations inMinnesotta and New York eliciting frequent comparisons to the Occupy movement. But has this new social justice movement drifted from its original purpose?
Idle No More was formed in late November to protest budgetary Bill C-45, which included several clauses slashing government oversight and regulation of environmental matters. It gained momentum via social media platforms and is now a widely reported story that is familiar to at least two thirds of Canadians, according to a recent poll.
So far, INM protesters have used social media to organize rallies and flashmobs, usually characterized by traditional aboriginal drumming and dancing. They have also blockaded rail lines and sat in outside the prime minister’s office. Idle No More members frequently post harsh criticism of Prime Minister Stephen Harper and his government on social media platforms.

Idle No More flash mob at a shopping mall in Edmonton, Canada
On December 11, soon after INM launched, Chief Theresa Spence, the elected leader of the impoverished Attawapiskat reserve in northern Ontario (population: roughly 1,500), set up a
teepee on Victoria Island in the capital city of Ottawa, near the federal government’s headquarters on Parliament Hill. Spence announced she was commencing a hunger strike until the prime minister, provincial premiers (similar to state governors), and the governor general (Queen Elizabeth's representative in Canada) agreed to meet with her. It later emerged that Spence, who will reportedlyend her fast on January 24, has been consuming a liquid diet of fish broth and tea.
While the Idle No More movement and Chief Spence’s fast are not directly linked, many INM activists support Chief Spence. An Idle No More flag flies over the gated compound where the teepee sits.
“Idle No More just happened to come at the same time,” says Attawapiskat resident Danny Metawabin. He added that the INM and Chief Spence with her hunger strike were “working towards a common cause.”
Spence's town of Attawapiskat first made headlines last winter, when the media reported dire living conditions on the reserve, including lack of heating and indoor plumbing. The federal government responded by saying they had provided over 90 million dollars of funding to Attawapiskat since coming to office.
“We are doing this to call for a spiritual awakening, not just from the government of Canada, but from the provincial governments, to honor our treaty rights,” says Danny Metatawabin.
Spence has not addressed the media since an independent audit of the town’s books ordered by the federal government was leaked to the press. The report, compiled by Deloitte Consulting, found that over 80 per cent of the town’s spending was improperly or incompletely documented. Spenceslammed the report as a “distraction” and hasn’t made a public statement since. A techPresident reporter tried to visit the Victoria Island compound, but was thrown out when she asked questions.
But Chief Spence does communicate via social media. Most recently, she, or one of the people who has access to her Twitter account (@ChiefTheresa) called Conservative senator Patrick Brazeau(@TheBrazman), who is also an aboriginal activist, a "typical colonized Indian asshole."
The tweet set off waves of commentary and was reported on the website of a national news outlet.
Since beginning her fast, Spence has been accused of sabotaging the Idle movement. Cracks have appeared within the First Nations peoples. Spence refused to meet Prime Minister Harper, but Shawn Atelo, Chief of the Assembly of First Nations, went ahead and accepted an invitation to meet the PM. Atelo later came under heavy criticism for breaking ranks and subsequently took a leave of absencefrom work.
Idle No More founders are ill at ease with Chief Spence’s campaign and the role she has developed amongst the movement’s followers.
Meanwhile, critics charge that Idle No More has vague and competing goals and is doomed to fail — much like the Occupy movement.
Daniel Salée, a professor of political science at Montreal’s Concordia University, has been monitoring the Idle No More movement, which he supports. He says there are indeed many similarities between Idle No More and Occupy. “Like Occupy, it’s non-hierarchical,” he told techPresident. “It’s a large group of people who are fed up, but who cannot necessarily agree on what they are fed up about.”
Salée says the impact of social media on the movement is likely exaggerated. “As Marshall McLuhan said, ‘the medium is the message’, and I think people need to remember that social media is more a medium than anything else.”
Salée pointed out that many of the First Nations people living in remote communities do not have easy access to the Internet. Neverthless, Salée agreed that in the cases of Occupy and Idle, “Social media has the power to accelerate the pace of mobilization.”
Tori Cress manages the Facebook page for Idle No More’s Ottawa chapter. She say social media has played a “significant role” in mobilizing the Idle movement. Cress is from the Ojibway First Nations tribe and lives on Mohawk territory in Muskoka, Ontario. She joined the Idle No More Movement after getting in touch with its founders and learning about Bill C-45.
Cress now spends her days monitoring the page for inappropriate or racist comments. “Basically I’m policing our page,” she says. “I constantly do it, daily. If I can’t sleep, I’m up checking it.” Cree says the time she spends on the Facebook page is equivalent to the time she spends at her full-time job.
She says it’s normal there are many different voices emerging within the Idle movement. “I think a lot of people saw how it (INM) could be useful to them,” she said "We all need clean water, we all need clean land, it’s not just one reserve or another, it’s an international problem,” She added, “I haven’t seen anyone whose heart isn’t in the right place. There’s not one group that’s doing something wrong, they’re just doing things different.”
Whether the movement actually succeeds in effecting real change remains to be seen. Salée is skeptical for the time being. “The downfall of the movement could be that, like Occupy, it resists institutionalizing itself … You look at Occupy, and where is it now? The 99 per cent had their say, and then it petered out.”
But Salée admits there is still the chance Idle No More will bring real change. “Success is measured in real time,” he says. “So, maybe Idle No More can be the beginning of changes that we’ll see years from now. Because definitely, there do need to be changes.”
Cress remains optimistic. “I want to see unity,” she says. “I want the leaders join together with the grassroots movement and all work together and be speaking the same language — we need to be backing each other up instead of tearing each other down.”
Elisabeth Fraser is a freelance Canadian journalist.
Personal Democracy Media is grateful to the Omidyar Network for its generous support of techPresident's WeGov section.

Quebec's Language Laws Lead to "Pastagate"

BY ELISABETH FRASER | Friday, March 15 2013
 Internet meme for "Pastagate"
In Canada, the province of Quebec's endless language wars are playing out yet again in the public arena, this time as farce — thanks in no small part to the power of social media.
The long-running language debate in a province where English-speakers are outnumbered by French-speakers, has recently reached new heights of absurdity against the backdrop of a proposed language law tabled by the province's separatist minority government.
Bill 14, a piece of legislation authored by Premiere Pauline Marois’ Parti Québecois, would toughen the province’s existing laws, limiting access to English education for Francophones and Anglophones alike, stripping many municipalities of their bilingual status, and broadening the powers of the province’s so-called “language police”.
This comes on top of a controversial law passed in 1977 — the Charter of the French Language, popularly known as Bill 101, which enshrines French as the province’s official language. According to this law, which is a central part of Quebec’s language policy, all aspects of every day business, from law enforcement to commerce, must be conducted in French. In areas where there is a native English speaking majority or plurality, bilingual services, signs and notices may be provided — but only on condition that French is given more prominence than English. The law is strictly enforced by the Office québécois de la langue française (Quebec Board of the French Lanuage), a.k.a. the language police.
The new bill prompted immediate and widespread backlash with many Anglophones — and even some Francophones —denouncing it as excessive. But it took a flap over spaghetti for things to really boil over, creating an online storm that has the province being labeled an international laughingstock.
From the outside, Québec`s unique linguistic situation may seem hard to comprehend. The largely Francophone province is home to small but significant pockets of English-speakers. This is particularly true for the island of Montréal, the economic heart of the city, where a significant chunk of the population is Anglophone. Montreal is a cultural metropolis that attracts tourists from all over the world.
While in the past these groups (Anglophones and Francophones) were known as the “Two Solitudes”, recent generations have become increasingly bilingual. Today, most Montrealers are now at least functionally fluent in both languages.  The island is also home to its own unique hybrid dialect known as “Franglais”, in which commonplace English and French words are randomly dropped into everyday conversation.
But the province is also home to a vocal separatist movement, which wants Québec to separate from the rest of Canada and form its own country.  The movement is home to many Francophone language hawks, many of whom form the base of the PQ.
It was perhaps in the spirit of appeasing that base that Marois’ language minister, Diane de Courcy, submitted Bill 14 to the Québec legislature.  And it was perhaps in this spirit that the Québec language cops badly fumbled the PR ball.
On February 14, an officer from the province’s “language police” paid a visit to upscale Italian eateryBuonanotte, and sent a letter of warning to the restaurant for a series of language infractions, including the use of the word "pasta" (as opposed to the French pâtes) in the establishment’s menu.
Qubébec’s language officers operate out of the”Office de la langue français” (Office of the French language), a body which oversees and enforces Bill 101, the province’s existing language law.  Amongst other things, officers must be on the alert for English wording, and measure the ratio of English-vs-French wording on all public signage (French must always be larger than English).
Once the OQLF officer targeted Buonanotte, the owner took to Twitter, posting a photo of the word “pasta” circled on the restaurant’s menu. The Internet went wild.  After Anglo journalist Dan Delmarbroke the story, other media outlets followed suit, and "Pastagate" was born.
Soon, media outlets across the city were carrying the story.  Facebook came alive, and Twitter exploded with #pastagate posts.  Popular memes evolved, often depicting Premiere Marois in mocking Photoshopped scenarios: One popular image circulating the ‘net shows the Premiere vomiting up a huge plate of pasta on her desk at the National Assembly.
Pastagate has now wound up attracting international attention, with the Economist labeling Québec an international laughingstock.
The language issue in the province is currently at full throttle, as hearings on Bill 14 continue.  A new militant Anglo-rights group, “CRITIQ” has formed to fight the bill and defend businesses targeted by the OQLF.  Local businesses are hopping on the bandwagon.  And the OQLF’s President, Louise Marchand, resigned on March 8 in wake of the scandal.
The future of the bill remains to be seen, as Pastagate continues to prevade the provincial discourse and create international headlines.  But with a $100 per plate benefit for businesses targeted by the OQLF scheduled at Buonanotte restaurant next month, it seems the provincial government has some serious spin control work ahead.
Elisabeth Fraser is a Canadian journalist.
Personal Democracy Media is grateful to the Omidyar Network for its generous support of techPresident's WeGov section.

In Canada, Online Campaign to Protest Gov't's Digital 'Snooping Bill' Turns Nasty

BY ELISABETH FRASER | Wednesday, December 5 2012
 MP Charmaine Borg outside of Canada's parliament (credit: Max Walker)
In Canada the issue of online privacy has become contentious, with experts, law enforcement officials, and legislators sharply divided. Bill C-30, formally called the Protecting Children from Internet Predators Act, was tabled in the House of Commons in February. The bill proposes expanding police powers so that telecoms and Internet Service Providers would be required to turn over subscriber data without a warrant.
On one side of the debate are digital privacy advocates who say the government should not be able to seize their personal subscriber information without a warrant. On the other side are those who assert that in urgent cases, law enforcement officials should be able to access such information rapidly, in the interest of public protection.
“I think [Bill C-30] is a dangerous piece of legislation that raises serious privacy concerns,” says University of Ottawa professor and Internet guru Michael Geist. “The bill's supporters have consistently failed to provide evidence of problems with the current law, which should be the starting point for discussion.”
In response, the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police (CACP) argues that the bill would provide them with access to crucial information that would help them do their jobs — i.e., catch criminals.
"Do police in Canada support 'unwarranted Internet surveillance' or 'snooping'? Absolutely not!" says Timothy Smith, who handles Government Relations and Strategic Communications for the CACP. “Our concern lies with consistency and timeliness of obtaining basic subscriber information that is needed to advance an investigation and prevent further victimization.”
Smith provided techPresident with a list of incidents involving criminal acts that he claims could have been prevented if the police had been able to access digital information quickly, without having to wait for a warrant. In a case of sexual assault, a woman grabbed her assailant’s cell phone while fleeing the scene of the crime — but was denied justice, because the police had to wait two weeks for a warrant to access the subscriber’s information. By that time the account had been disconnected. Other cases involve child pornography, kidnapping, and homicide.
At the federal level, the ruling Conservative Party is squaring off against the newly elected Official Opposition — the progressive, socialist-leaning New Democratic Party (NDP). The main players could not be more different in terms of age, background and worldview — and the results have been explosive.
Charmaine Borg of the NDP is one of the youngest-ever MPs elected to the House of Commons; the 22 year-old is also the first to be assigned the Digital Issues dossier in the Shadow Parliament — the Official Opposition body responsible for holding the government to account. She is now developing a comprehensive digital strategy for issues that include online privacy, online user agreements and the digital economy.
The bilingual Montreal resident was still an undergraduate at McGill University when she became one of several neophyte politicians who rode the so-called Orange Wave of the 2011 federal elections toParliament Hill (orange is the NDP’s official color). The NDP won 103 of the 308 seats in Parliament, replacing the Bloc Québécois, which advocates sovereignty for the largely Francophone province, as the Official Opposition in Canada’s multi-party system.
Borg’s opposition in the government is Public Safety Minister Vic Toews, of the ruling Conservative Party. Toews, 60, is a veteran politician with a reputation for being a tough-on-crime, law-and-order type. The minister’s office did not respond to interview requests.
It was Toews who tabled Bill C-30 last February. The details of the proposed legislation led his many opponents to label it the "snooping" bill.
A widely publicized online campaign against Bill C-30 quickly turned into a personal attack on Toews that amounted to a serious invasion of his own privacy. The minister probably did not help matters when he accused his opponents of "siding with child pornographers."
The online protests began as a lighthearted Twitter campaign hashtagged #TellVicEverything. Users bombarded Toews's account with tongue-in-cheek tweets that purported to detail the minutiae of their daily lives. A reporter for a policy wonk’s website aggregated some of the more amusing results, including one from the Liberal Party's candidate for leader, MP Justin Trudeau (@justinpjtrudeau, son of the late prime minister Pierre Trudeau). Trudeau tweeted: “Dear @ToewsVic: Last night I promised my wife I'd wake up early for yoga, but repeatedly snooze-buttoned instead. #TellVicEverything.”
But the campaign turned ugly when an anonymous Internet user launched a Twitter account under the handle @Vikileaks30 and used it to reveal intimate and embarrassing details of Toews’s divorce from his wife and subsequent marriage to their family babysitter, whom he had impregnated.
The media soon discovered that the anonymous tweeter was Liberal Party staffer Adam Carroll. He apologized and resigned, but has since been re-rehired and is again working for the party.
Borg says she opposed the tactics of the Vikileaks campaign. "I think it’s a pity, because the whole Vikileaks scandal took a lot of focus off the real issue — which is that the government wants to spy on you." Borg added that Bill C-30 raised many questions revolving around personal privacy issues, voicing concern that the Conservative Party's position could lead to a serious increase in online privacy violations.
Nevertheless, the bill’s progress through Parliament seems to have halted since the campaign was launched. But whether or not C-30 is permanently stalled remains to be seen.
"Ever since the public uprising that ensued, the government has kind of put (C-30) aside, and right now it’s just sitting in a drawer somewhere," says Borg. "I think the Conservative government is so embarrassed by it that they won’t try bringing this bill back in its current form, but people need to remember that it dates back to the previous Liberal government. It keeps coming back before the House in new forms — so it’s something I’m keeping my eye on."
"[The police] are clearly asking for a way to accelerate the process of obtaining a warrant," says Borg of law enforcement officials who back C-30. "If that’s the main issue, there are two sides to this. There is a need to update language concerning laws that govern wiretapping. Currently there is no digital language in the laws. But there should be ways to obtain warrants without invading our privacy, which is protected by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms."
Borg highlighted differences in the laws and attitudes governing online privacy in Canada from those of the United States. "While we're one step ahead in some respects, we are one step behind in others," she said.
"We're ahead in that we actually do have an online privacy law and a Privacy Commissioner. In the United States, the FTC can impose fines if they rule a company has been at fault or deceptive in its practices — our Privacy Commissioner does not have those powers," says Borg. "That is why you see these massive lawsuits [in Canada], where people have to go to court when they find a company has acted improperly, because here in Canada there is a lack of legislation [governing the issue]."
With C-30’s future uncertain, Borg has no plans to back down on the issue. "Ultimately, it’s about the Conservative Party proving they really are committed to open government and protecting online privacy," says Borg. "And first, they need to demonstrate they understand what that means."
Elisabeth Fraser is a Canadian journalist.
Personal Democracy Media is grateful to the Omidyar Network for its generous support of techPresident's WeGov section.